NOTES, CORRESPONDING BOOK’S CHAPTER RECAP AND FOCUS ON THE PROPAGANDA MODEL: 2 LECTURE

05/08

Important topics:

– Language (sound bites, spin, propaganda, use of images);

– Politics and news turned into commodities (brand labour, brand liberal). Politics as industry of public relations;

– Loss of ideology and commitment of political parties.

– Horse race: the new way media treats politics, emphasizing leadership.

– Power of the media: an underestimable power. About 17% of the news is made of public relations.

– Rupert Murdoch power on australian politics;

– Political tools of media: a democratic instrument;

– Media frames;

– Alternative media sites (independent media).

 Role of journalism: crucial in determining phenomena like corruption. Investigative journalism. Business model.

WIKIPEDIA content:
PROPAGANDA MODEL (Chomsky-Herman)

The propaganda model is a conceptual model in political economy advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky to explain how propaganda and systemic biases function in mass media. The model seeks to explain how populations are manipulated and how consent for economic, social and political policies is “manufactured” in the public mind due to this propaganda.

The theory posits that the way in which news is structured (through advertising, concentration of media ownership, government sourcing and others) creates an inherent conflict of interest which acts as propaganda for undemocratic forces.

News can function as propaganda. For exemple the 55% of murdoch’s newspapers supported war in Iraq.

Selection of topics. Distribution of concerns. Emphasys (ex terrorism or terrorists). Filter of informations. Bounding of discussion.

News organization: selection of news-framing-discussion of issues.

 Alternative media exclude this model because exclude alternative frames under control.

 First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, the “propaganda model” views the private media as businesses interested in the sale of a product—readers and audiences—to other businesses (advertisers) rather than that of quality news to the public (two sided market). Describing the media’s “societal purpose”, Chomsky writes, “… the study of institutions and how they function must be scrupulously ignored, apart from fringe elements or a relatively obscure scholarly literature”. The theory postulates five general classes of “filters” that determine the type of news that is presented in news media. These five classes are:

  1. Ownership of the medium
  2. Medium’s funding sources
  3. Sourcing
  4. Flak
  5. Anti-communism and fear ideology

The first three are generally regarded by the authors as being the most important. In versions published after the 9/11 attacks on the United States in 2001, Chomsky and Herman updated the fifth prong to instead refer to the War on Terror and antiterrorism, although they state that it operates in much the same manner.

Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media, Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the basic economic structure and organizing principles which the model postulates as the cause of media biases.

The filters:

  • Ownership

Main article: Concentration of media ownership

The size and profit-seeking imperative of dominant media corporations are said to create a bias. The authors point to how in the early nineteenth century, a radical British press had emerged which addressed the concerns of workers but excessive stamp duties, designed to restrict newspaper ownership to the ‘respectable’ wealthy, began to change the face of the press. Nevertheless there remained a degree of diversity. In postwar Britain, radical or worker-friendly newspapers such as the Daily Herald, News Chronicle, Sunday Citizen (all since failed or absorbed into other publications) and the Daily Mirror (at least until the late 1970s) regularly published articles questioning the capitalist system. The authors posit that these earlier radical papers were not constrained by corporate ownership and were therefore free to criticize the capitalist system.

Herman and Chomsky argue that since mainstream media outlets are currently either large corporations or part of conglomerates (e.g. Westinghouse or General Electric), the information presented to the public will be biased with respect to these interests. Such conglomerates frequently extend beyond traditional media fields and thus have extensive financial interests that may be endangered when certain information is publicized. According to this reasoning, news items that most endanger the corporate financial interests of those who own the media will face the greatest bias and censorship.

It then follows that if to maximize profit means sacrificing news objectivity, then the news sources that ultimately survive must be fundamentally biased, with regard to news in which they have a conflict of interest. In the United States, regulations require that broadcasters disclose such conflict of interest.

  • Funding

The second filter of the propaganda model is funding generated through advertising. Most newspapers have to attract advertising in order to cover the costs of production; without it, they would have to increase the price of their newspaper. There is fierce competition throughout the media to attract advertisers; a newspaper which gets less advertising than its competitors is at a serious disadvantage. Lack of success in raising advertising revenue was another factor in the demise of the ‘people’s newspapers’ of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The product is composed of the affluent readers who buy the newspaper — who also comprise the educated decision-making sector of the population — while the actual clientele served by the newspaper includes the businesses that pay to advertise their goods. According to this filter, the news is “filler” to get privileged readers to see the advertisements which makes up the content and will thus take whatever form is most conducive to attracting educated decision-makers. Stories that conflict with their “buying mood”, it is argued, will tend to be marginalized or excluded, along with information that presents a picture of the world that collides with advertisers’ interests. The theory argues that the people buying the newspaper are the product which is sold to the businesses that buy advertising space; the news has only a marginal role as the product.

  • Sourcing

The third of Herman and Chomsky’s five filters relates to the sourcing of mass media news: “The mass media are drawn into a symbiotic relationship with powerful sources of information by economic necessity and reciprocity of interest.” Even large media corporations such as the BBC cannot afford to place reporters everywhere. They concentrate their resources where news stories are likely to happen: the White House, the Pentagon, 10 Downing Street and other central news “terminals”. Although British newspapers may occasionally complain about the “spin-doctoring” of New Labour, for example, they are dependent upon the pronouncements of “the Prime Minister’s personal spokesperson” for government news. Business corporations and trade organizations are also trusted sources of stories considered newsworthy. Editors and journalists who offend these powerful news sources, perhaps by questioning the veracity or bias of the furnished material, can be threatened with the denial of access to their media life-blood – fresh news.[3] Thus, the media become reluctant to run articles that will harm corporate interests that provide them with the resources that the media depend upon.

This relationship also gives rise to a “moral division of labor”, in which “officials have and give the facts” and “reporters merely get them”. Journalists are then supposed to adopt an uncritical attitude that makes it possible for them to accept corporate values without experiencing cognitive dissonance.

  • Flak

The fourth filter is ‘flak’, described by Herman and Chomsky as ‘negative responses to a media statement or [TV or radio] program. It may take the form of letters, telegrams, phone calls, petitions, lawsuits, speeches and Bills before Congress and other modes of complaint, threat and punitive action’. Business organizations regularly come together to form flak machines. An example is the US-based Global Climate Coalition (GCC) – comprising fossil fuel and automobile companies such as Exxon, Texaco and Ford. The GCC was started up by Burson-Marsteller, one of the world’s largest public relations companies, to attack the credibility of climate scientists and ‘scare stories’ about global warming.

For Chomsky and Herman “flak” refers to negative responses to a media statement or program. The term “flak” has been used to describe what Chomsky and Herman see as efforts to discredit organizations or individuals who disagree with or cast doubt on the prevailing assumptions which Chomsky and Herman view as favorable to established power (e.g., “The Establishment“). Unlike the first three “filtering” mechanisms — which are derived from analysis of market mechanisms — flak is characterized by concerted efforts to manage public information.

  • Anti-Communism and fear

So I think when we talked about the “fifth filter” we should have brought in all this stuff – the way artificial fears are created with a dual purpose… partly to get rid of people you don’t like but partly to frighten the rest.

Because if people are frightened, they will accept authority.

Noam Chomsky

The fifth and final news filter that Herman and Chomsky identified was ‘anti-communism’. Manufacturing Consent was written during the Cold War. Chomsky updated the model as “fear”, often as ‘the enemy’ or an ‘evil dictator’ such as Colonel Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein or Slobodan Milosevic. This is exemplified in British tabloid headlines of ‘Smash Saddam!’ and ‘Clobba Slobba!’. The same is said to extend to mainstream reporting of environmentalists as ‘eco-terrorists‘. The Sunday Times ran a series of articles in 1999 accusing activists from the non-violent direct action group Reclaim The Streets of stocking up on CS gas and stun guns.[5]

Anti-ideologies exploit public fear and hatred of groups that pose a potential threat, either real, exaggerated or imagined. Communism once posed the primary threat according to the model. Communism and socialism were portrayed by their detractors as endangering freedoms of speech, movement, the press and so forth. They argue that such a portrayal was often used as a means to silence voices critical of elite interests. Chomsky argues that since the end of the Cold War (1991), anticommunism was replaced by the “War on Terror”, as the major social control mechanism.

Case examples

Following the theoretical exposition of the propaganda model, Manufacturing Consent contains a large section where the authors seek to test their hypotheses. If the propaganda model is right and the filters do influence media content, a particular form of bias would be expected — one that systematically favors corporate interests.

They also looked at what they perceived as naturally-occurring “historical control groups” where two events, similar in their properties but differing in the expected media attitude towards them, are contrasted using objective measures such as coverage of key events (measured in column inches) or editorials favoring a particular issue (measured in number).

 Coverage of “enemy” countries

[The polls] show that all of the opposition parties in Nicaragua combined had the support of only 9 percent of the population, but they have 100 percent of Stephen Kinzer.

Noam Chomsky

Examples of bias given by the authors include the failure of the media to question the legality of the Vietnam War while greatly emphasizing the Soviet war in Afghanistan as an act of aggression.

Other biases include a propensity to emphasize violent acts “genocide” more in enemy or unfriendly countries such as Kosovo while ignoring greater genocide in allied countries such as the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. This bias also said to exist in foreign elections, giving favorable media coverage to fraudulent elections in allied countries such as El Salvador and Guatemala, while unfavorable coverage is given to legitimate elections in enemy countries such as Nicaragua.

A study found that in the lead up to the Iraq War, most sources were overwhelmingly in favor of the invasion.

Chomsky also asserts that the media accurately covered events such as the Battle of Fallujah but because of an ideological bias, it acted as pro-government propaganda. In describing coverage of raid on Fallujah General Hospital he stated that The New York Times, “accurately recorded the battle of Fallujah but it was celebrated… it was a celebration of ongoing war crimes”. The article in question was “Early Target of Offensive Is a Hospital“.

Scandals of leaks

The authors point to biases that are based on only reporting scandals which benefit a section of power, while ignoring scandals that hurt the powerless. The biggest example of this was how the US media greatly covered the Watergate Scandal but ignored the COINTELPRO exposures. While the Watergate break-in was a political threat to powerful people (Democrats), COINTELPRO harmed average citizens and went as far as political assassination. Other examples include coverage of the Iran-Contra Scandal by only focusing on people in power such as Oliver North but omitting coverage of the civilians killed in Nicaragua as the result of aid to the contras.

In a 2010 interview, Chomsky compared media coverage of the Afghan War Diaries released by Wikileaks and lack of media coverage to a study of severe health problems in Fallujah.[11] While there was ample coverage of Wikileaks there was no American coverage of the Fallujah study,[12] in which the health situation in Fallujah was described by the British media as “worse than Hiroshima”.[13]

Applications

Kofi Annan and Richard Perle have said the Iraq War is illegal, but this was never mentioned in the US media.

Since the publication of Manufacturing Consent, Herman and Chomsky have adopted the theory and have given it a prominent role in their writings, lectures and theoretical frameworks. Chomsky has made extensive use of its explanative power to lend support to his interpretations of mainstream media attitudes towards a wide array of events, including the following:

  • Gulf War (1990), the media’s failure to report on Saddam’s peace offers.
  • Iraq invasion (2003), the media’s failure to report on the legality of the wardespite overwhelming public opinion in favor of only invading Iraq with UN authorization. According to the liberal watchdog group Fairness and Accuracy In Reporting, there was a disproportionate focus on pro-war sources while total anti-war sources only made up 10% of the media (with only 3% of US sources being anti-war).
  • Global warming, the media gives near equal balance to people who deny climate change despite only “about one percent” of climate scientists taking this view. Chomsky commented that there are “three sides” on climate change (deniers, those who follow the scientific consensus, and people who think that the consensus underestimates the threat from global warming), but in framing the debate the media usually ignore people who say that the scientific consensus is unduly optimistic.

Influence and reaction

On the rare occasions the propaganda model is discussed in the mainstream media there is usually a large reaction. In 1988, when Chomsky was interviewed by Bill Moyers there were 1,000 letters in response, one of the biggest written reactions in the show’s history. When he was interviewed by TV Ontario, the show generated 31,321 call-ins, which was a new record for the station. In 1996, when Chomsky was interviewed by Andrew Marr the producer commented that the response was “astonishing”. He commented that

“The audience reaction was astonishing… I have never worked on a programme which elicited so many letters and calls”.

In May 2007, Chomsky and Herman spoke at the University of Windsor in Canada summarizing developments and responding to criticisms related to the model. Both authors stated they felt the propaganda model is still applicable (Herman said even more so than when it was introduced), although they did suggest a few areas where they believe it falls short and needs to be extended in light of recent developments.

Chomsky has insisted that while the propaganda role of the media “is intensified by ownership and advertising” the problem mostly lies with “ideological-doctrinal commitments that are part of intellectual life” or intellectual culture of the people in power. He compares the media to scholarly literature which he says has the same problems even without the constraints of the propaganda model.

At the Windsor talk, Chomsky pointed out that Edward S. Herman was primarily responsible for creating the theory although Chomsky supported it. According to Chomsky, he insisted Herman’s name appear first on the cover of Manufacturing Consent because of his primary role researching and developing the theory.

American pressure groups

With the emergence of the Internet as a cheap and potentially wide-ranging means of communication, a number of independent websites have surfaced which adopt the propaganda model to subject media to close scrutiny. Examples of these are, Free Press and FAIR.

Harvard media torture study

From the early 1930s until…2004, the newspapers that covered waterboarding almost uniformly called the practice torture or implied it was torture: The New York Times characterized it thus in 81.5% (44 of 54) of articles on the subject and The Los Angeles Times did so in 96.3% of articles (26 of 27). By contrast, from 2002‐2008, the studied newspapers almost never referred to waterboarding as torture.

—Desai et al.

In April 2010, a study conducted by the Harvard Kennedy School showed that media outlets such as the New York Times and Los Angeles Times stopped using the term “torture” for waterboarding when the US government committed it, from 2002 to 2008.[27] It also noted that the press was “much more likely to call waterboarding torture if a country other than the United States is the perpetrator.”[27] The study was similar to media studies done in Manufacturing Consent for topics such as comparing how the term “genocide” is used in the media when referring to allied and enemy countries.

Glenn Greenwald in response said that “We don’t need a state-run media because our media outlets volunteer for the task…” and commented that the media often act as propaganda for the government without coercion.

Studies of media outside the USA

Chomsky has commented in the “ChomskyChat Forum” on the applicability of the Propaganda Model to the media environment of other countries:

That’s only rarely been done in any systematic way. There is work on the British media, by a good U[niversity] of Glasgow media group. And interesting work on British Central America coverage by Mark Curtis in his book Ambiguities of Power. There is work on France, done in Belgium mostly, also a recent book by Serge Halimi (editor of Le Monde diplomatique). There is one very careful study by a Dutch graduate student, applying the methods Ed Herman used in studying US media reaction to elections (El Salvador, Nicaragua) to 14 major European newspapers. […] Interesting results. Discussed a bit (along with some others) in a footnote in chapter 5 of my book “Deterring Democracy[“.]

For more than a decade, a British based website Media Lens has examined their domestic broadcasters and liberal press. Its criticisms are featured in the books Guardians of Power (2006) and Newspeak in the 21st Century (2009).

Studies have also expanded the Propaganda Model to examine news media in the People’s Republic of China [31] and for film production in Hollywood.

News of the World

In July 2011, the BBC journalist Paul Mason pointed out that the News International phone hacking scandal threw light on close links between the press and politicians. However, he argued that the closure of the mass-circulation newspaper News of the World, which took place after the scandal broke, conformed only partly to the propaganda model. He drew attention to the role of social media, saying that “large corporations pulled their advertising” because of the “scale of the social media response” (a response which was mainly to do with the Milly Dowler revelations, although Mason does not go into this level of detail).

Mason praised The Guardian for having told the truth about the phone-hacking, but expressed doubt about the viability of the newspaper.

One part of the Chomsky doctrine has been proven by exception. He stated that newspapers that told the truth could not make money. The Guardian…is indeed burning money and may run out of it in three years’ time.

Criticism

The Anti-Chomsky Reader

Eli Lehrer of the conservative think tank American Enterprise Institute criticized the theory in The Anti-Chomsky Reader. According to Lehrer, the fact that papers like the New York Times and Wall Street Journal have disagreements is evidence that the media is not a monolithic entity. Lehrer also believes that the media cannot have a corporate bias because it reports on and exposes corporate corruption. Lehrer asserts that the model amounts to a Marxist conception of right-wing false consciousness.

Herman and Chomsky have said that the media “is not a solid monolith” but that it represents a debate between powerful interests while ignoring perspectives that challenge the “fundamental premises” of all these interests. For instance, during the Vietnam War there was disagreement among the media over tactics but that the broader issue of the legality and legitimacy of the war was ignored (see Coverage of “enemy” countries). Additionally, Chomsky has said that while the media are against corruption, they are not against society legally empowering corporate interests which is a reflection of the powerful interests that the model would predict. The authors have also said that the model does not seek to address “the effects of the media on the public” which might be ineffective at shaping public opinion. Edward Herman has said “critics failed to comprehend that the propaganda model is about how the media work, not how effective they are.”

Inroads: A Journal of Opinion

Gareth Morley argues in an article in Inroads: A Journal of Opinion that widespread coverage of Israeli mistreatment of protesters as compared with little coverage of similar (or much worse) events in sub-Saharan Africa is poorly explained. Chomsky responded that when testing a model, examples should be carefully paired to control reasons for discrepancies not related to political bias. For instance, general coverage of the two areas compared should be similar. In this case, according to Chomsky, they are not: news from Israel (in any form) is far more common than news from sub-Saharan Africa.

New York Times Review

Historian Walter LaFeber criticized the book Manufacturing Consent for overstating its case, in particular with regards to reporting on Nicaragua and not adequately explaining how a powerful propaganda system would let military aid to the Contra rebels be blocked. Herman responded in a letter by stating that the system was not “all powerful” and that LaFeber did not address their main point regarding Nicaragua. LaFeber replied that:

Mr. Herman wants to have it both ways: to claim that leading American journals “mobilize bias” but object when I cite crucial examples that weaken the book’s thesis. If the news media are so unqualifiedly bad, the book should at least explain why so many publications (including my own) can cite their stories to attack President Reagan’s Central American policy.

A DIFFERENT APPROACH: KELLNER “BEAVIS AND BUTT-HEAD, THE RAMBO MOVIES” (1995)

Douglas Kellner provides a different approach of media content, one which retains a notion of bias but which tries to avoid the assumption of an independent reality. Events such the Gulf War are “media construct”. News reports were not neutral observations of events on the battlefield but a product of government and public relations exercise.

All political coverage is ideological and has to be understood and judged as such.

 

CHAPTER 2

TELLING TALES: THE REPORTING OF POLITICS
When media report politics, they are telling stories about the world. They create narratives with plots and actors.

In her book “Entertaining the Citizen”, Liesbet van Zoonen (2005) identifies four types of narrative that, she argues, dominate the recounting of political story, whether in fact or in fiction. The four are:

  • the QUEST, representing politics as an individual’s struggle for a goal;
  • the CONSPIRACY, pictures politics as the deliberate attempt by a covert organization to thwart the good intentions of a political machine or system;
  • the BUREAUCRACY, similar to conspiracy, but it attributes the attempt to a political system or machine;
  • the SOAP, humans struggle together to realize some good intent.

Van Zoonen approach is in contrast with those concerning with bias. Her question, indeed, is not whether a news is true but how the truth is presented.

FRAMES VERSUS BIASES

“News” is a distilled form of the multiple events taking place in the world. So news has to make sense of news. For this reason news are collected into “frames”, which screen out certain events and perspectives, and emphasize others. Robert Entman gives this definition of frame: “A frame operates to select and highlight some features of reality and obscure others in a way that tells a consistent story about problems, their causes, moral implications and remedies”.

While analysing bias is associated with the general disposition of the newspaper or broadcaster, the framing approach makes no such assumption, treating each case on its merits.

PRODUCING NEWS

Reporting news is about persuading audience that something happened. This means that reporters need to be credible. Nonetheless, some surveys reveal that only the 29% of the readers belives that news are not biased.

However, in the last decades the way of producing news has changed a lot. News become a marketed product whose aim is satisfying the audience. News are not an instrument to feed active cityzen. As Habermas pointed out, there is no more a public sphere, because it has been replaced by a private sphere made up of consumers. For this reasons media behave like a market, making news to sell.

GENRES AND POLITICAL COVERAGE

The genre of political coverage changes constantly and they are different not only between countries but also within them. News genre differ, for example, according to their dependence on advertising or according to their regulatory regime. Besides, change in political coverage has to be understood in terms of the increasing competition for space between it and sports and lifestyle coverage, and the competition for readers and viewers with an ever-expanding range of media source to choose from. Such processes leads to claim that news is being “dumbed down” due to the rise of political sketch writer for whom politics is a source of amusement. Political commentators, indeed, review performance and amuse their readers by dwelling on the quirky aspects of the political representatives.

Karen Sanders (2009) distinguished between reporters, whose aim is chronically report fact, and critics, who aims to highlight political performances examining politicians values and claims.

If the coverage of politics changes in response to political and technical drivers, it also changes in response to economic ones. James Hamilton’s book “All the News That’s Fit to Sell” (2004) identifies two genres of news: HARD NEWS and SOFT NEWS. Distinction between them concerns the quantity of public information they contain. The presence of either, he argues, is determined by the coalition of media outlet and advertisers interests.

WE THE PEOPLE

All forms of communication involve creating audiences and making certain assumptions. The “people” are constituted in the process, and their existence is confirmed through the artifice of public opinion polls and market research, or of tweets and smart jobs. Individual answers to pollsters’ questions are aggregated into “public opinion”; crowds are created via internet traffic. The media’s definition of the people and representation of them construct a particular version of people.

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